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Liberia: Taylor Trial hears evidence
of history, child soldiers |
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AllAfrica
January 23, 2008
The Hague. Theresa Doherty, a judge from Northern Ireland, has taken over as
presiding judge from Julia Sebutinde. The position of presiding
judge rotates each year. Following this announcement, Defense
Counsel Terry Munyard continued his cross-examination of Prosecution
witness Dr. Stephen Ellis.
Defense counsel questioned Dr. Ellis about Pan-Africanism. Dr.
Ellis explained that the concept has existed as a modern political
force since the 1940s. This is the notion that Africa should be
unified; the concept of Pan-Africanism as a political program was
advanced by former President Nkrumah of Ghana. However, many African
leaders did not support Nkrumah in realizing that goal.
Dr. Ellis testified that he has heard different accounts
regarding the composition of the military training camps in Libya.
There were not just people from Liberia and Sierra Leone. Dr. Ellis
explained that he actually met a young man from Mauritius who was at
the camps. He also recounted that Colonel Gaddafi was seen as having
a revolutionary vision that led him to support a number of
anti-American, anti-Western movements. As a result, many people came
from around Africa to his camps in Libya. When asked, Dr. Ellis
agreed that he had heard of Ali Kabbah, who some have said
originally set up the RUF, being present at these camps.
Defense counsel questioned Dr. Ellis on the NPFL incursion into
Liberia in 1989. Dr. Ellis explained that there were two components:
(1) the friends and supporters of Thomas Quiwonkpa who organized
themselves in Libya and Burkina Fasso and (2) the political
opponents of Liberian President Samuel Doe, who included members of
the Liberian educated class, among them Charles Taylor. After the
elections of 1985 many of the latter group left the country for the
United States. Charles Taylor, an official in the Doe government,
also came to the United States where he was imprisoned at the
request of the Liberian government on charges of embezzlement. In
1985 he escaped from prison, which may explain the reason for his
return to West-Africa.
Dr. Ellis described the elements supporting the insurgency
against Samuel Doe. In 1990, ECOWAS gathered together a military
force to deploy in support of Doe in Liberia. At this stage, the
NPFL consisted of a core of trained rebels and thousands of armed
civilians without training. Charles Taylor claimed leadership of the
NPFL. Rivals disappeared, presumably murdered. By May 1990, Samuel
Doe only controlled Monrovia. The NPFL was spreading and thousands
of people were massacred. By mid-1990, Charles Taylor had eliminated
his chief rivals in the NPFL. As the acknowledged NPFL leader, he
established the NPRAG government. His government controlled most of
Liberia outside Monrovia and Charles Taylor began referring to
himself president.
Sierra Leone's Truth and Reconciliation Commission report
described the first phase of the war in Sierra Leone as lasting from
1991-1994 and being dominated by the NPFL. Dr. Ellis explained that,
according to the TRC Report, the war in Sierra Leone was largely
started by NPFL fighters under Charles Taylor's command. The first
step in the SL war was a radio broadcast by Revolutionary United
Front leader Foday Sankoh, who demanded that President Momoh quit
office and establish a more democratic government. Sankoh had been
in a Sierra Leonean jail for opposing former Sierra Leonean
President Siaka Stevens. He served some years in prison and was an
embittered man struggling to make a living. At that time, Sierra
Leone was run by the All Peoples Congress (APC). Stevens had
arranged for Momoh, a General at the time, to succeed him. The APC
was unpopular and Momoh was seen as a weak President.
In 1991-1992, Liberia was relatively stable while the war in
Sierra Leone got underway. ULIMO was fighting against Charles Taylor
in Liberia. ECOMOG controlled Monrovia. When Charles Taylor's forces
attempted to take Monrovia through "Operation Octopus" in 1992,
ECOMOG replied with the means at its disposal, including targeting
civilians and arming factions opposed to the NPFL. At that time,
there was a transitional government in Monrovia headed by Amos
Sawyer. This government was supported by Nigeria and received
support from the Liberian political class. The original ECOMOG
intervention in Liberia was controversial. Some ECOWAS countries
opposed the intervention because they were close to the NPFL.
Efforts were made to reach a compromise, but many countries did not
want Charles Taylor to become president of Liberia. General
Babangida of Nigeria opposed any peace accord that made Charles
Taylor the president of Liberia.
Dr. Ellis reported that, by 1993, the climate in Liberia was
changing. General Babangida had left office in Nigeria and was
replaced by General Abacha. General Abacha was less opposed to
Charles Taylor. At that time, several West African governments
realized the Liberian war was ruinous to the region and agreed that
a political settlement with Charles Taylor had to be reached. The
key political settlement was at Abuja in 1995, which Charles Taylor
attended. After Abuja, Charles Taylor was able to enter Monrovia.
From 1995-1997, there was a period when the armed factions continued
to fight in the countryside, while the leaders of the factions sat
together in Monrovia.
The events of April 1996 are very important. The Liberian
National Transitional Government was a unity government of warlords,
including Charles Taylor. Fighting erupted in Monrovia on 6 April
1996. It was the bloodiest battle of the war. Charles Taylor and
Alhaji Kromah tried to take power by force. Smaller factions banded
together in self-defense. ECOMOG faced confusion and the various
factions supported themselves by purchasing arms and ammunition from
ECOMOG.
After the events of April 1996, there was acceptance by
governments in West Africa and the United States that Charles Taylor
would win elections. He had support in some parts of the country and
led the largest faction. The hope of the international community and
many Liberians was that Charles Taylor would use his new position to
consolidate peace. However, that did not occur. In December 1997, a
close Charles Taylor associate, Sam Dokie, was murdered. Dr. Ellis
testified that he was in Liberia at the time, and people thought,
"If he's killing his own friends, what is he going to do with
everyone else?" In September 1998 there was heavy fighting in
Monrovia andopponents of Taylor were shot.
Charles Taylor's NPRAG government included several foreigners and
leaders from the different armed forces. Charles Taylor maintained a
number of different armed and security units armed by rival
commanders. His security included Kukoi Samboyan and Yanks Smart,
both from the Gambia. They were Vice President and Ambassador to
Libya, respectively. Given the important role of Libya in arming
Charles Taylor's government, Smart held an important security
position.
Dr. Ellis testified that, in 1997, Charles Taylor's government
lacked an efficient bureaucracy. Under Taylor, titles and government
departments existed, but they were "hollow shells". For example, a
Ministry of Mines existed, but all minerals were controlled by
Charles Taylor. Charles Taylor also reorganized the processing of
revenues received from the shipping registry. Money was diverted to
purchase arms instead of going to the Liberian treasury.
Dr. Ellis explained that according to Sierra Leone's TRC, the war
can be understood in three phases, and that in the first phase,
lasting until 1994, the NPFL were primary perpetrators. The TRC
report does acknowledge an evolution in the relationship between the
NPFL and RUF, but sees the NPFL as remaining a key player. Defense
counsel suggested that the NPFL was not involved with the RUF in
Sierra Leone from 1993-1997, and Dr. Ellis disagreed. He explained
that there were continuing relations between members of the NPFL and
the RUF. The intensity of the relationship changed and ULIMO control
of the border area made contact more difficult. This created a
physical barrier but contact did not cease. There was a military
wedge between the two organizations.
Dr. Ellis also testified about diamond smuggling and enterprise
in Sierra Leone. He stated that smuggling of diamonds from Sierra
Leone to Liberia was not a new development, and that the control of
the diamond industry in Sierra Leone became an objective for many,
including Taylor. ECOMOG played a complex role in the diamond
business. It is clear that members of ECOMOG developed interest in
the diamond business. In 1995, this was complicated by the arrival
of South African mercenaries, Executive Outcomes, who worked for the
government of Sierra Leone, and other companies dealing in diamonds.
Executive Outcomes and ECOMOG were on the same side. Some ECOMOG
individuals smuggled diamonds for personal gain. Conversely,
Executive Outcomes had a formal arrangement with diamond companies.
Defense counsel questioned Dr. Ellis with regard to whether the
program of mass amputations started as the AFRC and RUF were
retreating from Freetown in 1999. Dr. Ellis disagreed and recounted
his trip in May-June 1998 where he met amputees who were their
victims. He reported that there was a clear plan and, from the
beginning of the Freetown invasion, there were amputations. Some
amputees even reported that they were amputated by people who were
part of a "Cut-Hand Unit".
In 1999, West African countries were trying to reach an agreement
among themselves on a way to move forward. The agreement on cease
fire in Sierra Leone was established in May 1999. The President of
Sierra Leone, Ahmad Tejan-Kabbah, and U.S. envoy Jesse Jackson met
with RUF leader Foday Sankoh under the auspices of President Eyadema
of Togo. The most significant actors behind the July 1999 Lome Peace
Accord were Charles Taylor and Rev. Jesse Jackson. As part of the
arrangements for Lome, the Liberian government provided a guesthouse
for the RUF leadership in a very public way. Following this
agreement, Sankoh and Sam Bockarie had a falling out, as Bockarie
wanted to delay disarmament.
The ten months following the Lome Peace Accord marked the high
point of Charles Taylor's strategic influence in West Africa.
International political circles were shocked about RUF being given a
role in government at Lome. There were also factional divisions
within the RUF. By common consent, the judgment of Jesse Jackson was
"lamentable". He referred to Sankoh as the Nelson Mandela of Sierra
Leone. Many felt that Tejan-Kabbah was forced into the agreement. As
a result of Lome, Sankoh became the top diamond official in Sierra
Leone. This agreement meant that there was diplomatic confirmation
of the RUF's importance in Sierra Leone. There were intense
factional conflicts that Jesse Jackson and Charles Taylor were
attempting to control.
After the Lome Peace Accord of July 1999, the UK and US
governments identified Charles Taylor as a key factor behind the RUF.
Because the UK had expended substantial capital in stabilizing
Sierra Leone, it intervened in May 2000 when UN peacekeepers were
taken hostage. The US government became more involved for different
reasons. The TRC concluded that from 2000 onwards, the RUF was in
"terminal decline" due to the arrival of UK troops and the arrest of
Foday Sankoh, both in May 2000.
Defense counsel, Terry Munyard, concluded his cross-examination
of Dr. Ellis: Immediately following, Prosecutor Mohamed Bangura,
commenced his re-examination of Dr. Ellis. The highlights from his
re-examination are as follows:
Liberian legislation in the 1940s allowed for forced labor in
Liberia. There was a distinction made between the coastal counties
and hinterlands. In 1963 and 1964, the hinterland territories were
brought into the joint state. The regulations on forced labor ended
then and no longer applied by the start of the Liberian civil war.
Dr. Ellis stated that he had no knowledge of such legislation on the
books in Sierra Leone in 1991.
When asked whether the well-being of civilians had improved under
Charles Taylor's presidency starting in 1997, Dr. Ellis responded
that it was hard to answer. Liberians had suffered greatly during
the war. The population patterns changed as large numbers of rural
Liberians moved to Monrovia and people fled as refugees. As a
result, it is impossible to say whether the population was better
off under Taylor or Doe.
Dr. Ellis also discussed the small numbers of individuals going
to Libya for ideological or military training, some sponsored by the
Libyan government. These individuals include those who were involved
in the start of the war in Liberia. Two documents were given two him
by a senior NPFL member that included lists of people trained in
Libya before 1989. By 2000, many of them were dead. The survivors
were key Taylor allies, including Benjamin Yeaten who received
training in Libya and was a confidante of Charles Taylor. Under
Charles Taylor, he became the Director of the Special Security
Services. Dr. Ellis further explained that the murder of Taylor
associate Sam Dokie took place in December 1997. Dokie was last seen
alive in the custody of Benjamin Yeaten, and it appeared that Yeaten
was responsible for the murder.
Prosecutor Shyamala Alagendra introduced the next prosecution
witness, José Maria Caballero, known as Father Chema.Father Chema is
originally from Spain but now lives in Sierra Leone. He was sent to
Sierra Leone in 1991 to work on issues of justice, peace and human
rights. In April 1999 he started a program involving child soldiers
with the support of UNICEF. He worked at St. Michael's Lodge from
April 1999 to March 2002 and treated 3,025 children. At least 62%
were child soldiers.The first group arrived in April 1999. Most of
the children ranged in age from 12 to 15. Many of the children were
"camp followers" and the girls had been "sex slaves," used by the
fighters "as wives". The youngest girl Father Chema remembered
meeting had been kidnapped at age 7 or 8, and reported being abused
by an RUF commander as a "bush wife" until she became pregnant.
Father Chema recalled that most of the child soldiers were Sierra
Leonean and some were from Liberia.The witness also discussed a
document used to register the children. This document recorded
family background, the child's name, nickname as a fighter,
nationality, tribe, languages, schools, last address, landmarks to
identify their village location, information on relatives, wishes of
the child if the family was located, where the child had been
abducted, and where the fighting force moved with the child.Father
Chema also described the typical history of a child soldier:
Following the abduction of the child, they were forced to carry
looted items from their village to the fighters' camps. They were
divided among the commanders and some were selected for training as
fighters. The training was called "American track" and included an
obstacle course where live fire was dispensed above their heads.
They learned how to use weapons and lay ambushes. The RUF told them
that the government had stolen all the riches of Sierra Leone, that
they were fighting for free education and a better country. At the
end of the training, they were taken to the juju man where they were
anointed with a liquid to make them invisible to enemies or
impervious to bullets. After they killed their first victim, they
returned to the juju man with something from the victim, often a
body part. The children were trained to believe that these items
protected them. Children were also trained to use AK-47s and RPG
guns. After this training, they were sent back to their villages to
kill their parents and to burn the harvest of the village. The
children described their assignments to Father Chema. Father Chema
explained that they were used as fighters to attack villages, for
food-finding missions, as spies, and as bodyguards for the big
commanders. The children were armed with AK-47s, RPGs and guns. They
also reported being given drugs before attacks. These drugs came
from helicopters that came to their bases along with weapons. Other
children reported walking to the Liberian border to exchange looted
goods and diamonds for drugs and weapons. The examination of Father
Chema will resume on Monday, January 21, 2008. Court will resume at
9:30 a.m.
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